far more careful than their predecessors, were they Monk or lay, and who looked after things more providently for us and our lands. He also held the eight hundreds in his own hand, and after the death of Robert of Cokefield, he took on hand the hundred of Cosford, all of which he committed to the keeping of those servants who were of his own table; referring matters of greater moment to his own decision, and deciding by means of others upon matters of less import, and, in point of fact, wringing everything to his own profit. Moreover, by his command, a general survey was made throughout the hundreds of the leets and suits, of hidages and fodercorn, of hen-rents, and of other dues and rents and issues, which, for the greater part, were concealed by the farmers, and reduced it all into writing; so that, within four years from the time of his election, there was not one who could defraud him of the rents of the abbey to the value of a single penny, whereas he himself had not received from his predecessors any writing touching the management of the abbey, save one small schedule, wherein was contained the names of the Knights of St. Edmund, and the names of the manors, and what farm-rent attached upon each farm. This book he called his kalendar, wherein also were entered the debts he had satisfied; and this same book he almost daily perused, as if in the same he contemplated the reflection of his own prudence. The first day that he held a chapter, he confirmed to us, under his new seal, sixty shillings from Southrey, which his predecessors had unjustly received from Edmund, surnamed the golden Monk, for the liberty of holding the same vill to farm all the days of his life; and he proposed, as a general rule, that, from thenceforth, no one should pledge the ornaments of the church without the assent of the Convent, as had been accustomed heretofore, nor that any charter should be sealed with the Convent seal, unless in chapter in the presence of the Convent; and he appointed Hugh Sub-Sacrist, ordering that William the Sacrist should not have anything to do with the sacristy, either in the matter of receipt or disburse, unless by his consent. After this, but not on the same day, he transferred the former Keepers of the Offerings to other offices; lastly, he deposed the same William: wherefore those who liked William said, "Behold the Abbot! lo, here is the wolf of whom it was dreamed! see how he rages!" And some of them would have entered into a conspiracy against the Abbot; which circumstance, when it was disclosed to the Abbot, he not caring to be altogether silent, nor yet to disquiet the Convent, entered the chapter-house on the morrow, and pulling out a little bag full of cancelled deeds, the seals yet hanging thereto, to wit, partly the securities of his predecessor, partly of the Prior, partly of the Sacrist, partly of the Chamberlain and other officials, whereof the total was three thousand and fifty-three pounds and one mark, without alloy, besides the incalculable interest that had accrued thereupon, of all which he had made agreement within one year after his election, and within twelve years entirely discharged; "Behold," he said, "the good management of William our Sacrist; look here, at the multitude of securities signed with his seal, whereby he hath pledged silken caps, dalmatics, censers of silver, and books ornamented with gold, without the knowledge of the Convent, all which I have redeemed and have restored to you." He likewise added many other things, showing why he had deposed the said William; howbeit he suppressed the real cause, not wishing to put him to open shame. And when he put Sampson the Precentor in his place, a person approved by us, and as above all exception, all was quiet again. Furthermore, the Abbot commanded that the houses of the Sacristan in the cemetery should be entirely plucked up, as though they were not worthy to stand upon the earth, by reason of the frequent wine-bibbings, and certain other acts not to be named, he with grief and indignation had witnessed while he was Sub-Sacrist, and made it all level with the soil; so that, within a year, upon the spot where a noble dwelling had stood, we saw beans growing, and where casks of wine had lain, nettles to abound. THE RELIGION OF EARLY GREECE, AS DELINEATED IN THE POEMS OF HOMER. No. V. DIVINATION. It was the habitual conviction of the early Greeks, that the gods took a deep interest in all the affairs of men, and that in many instances they revealed their intentions, either by a direct impression on the mind of some favoured individual, or by certain external tokens. This belief gave rise to the several practices which are comprehended under the term divination; practices which had for their object to ascertain the mind of the gods relative to the issue of a projected enterprise, or to obtain their direction in circumstances of perplexity and distress. The highest species of divination was that supposed to result from the inward impulse of some deity. There were in the heroic age, as in later periods of Greece, Prophets (μάντεις) who claimed inspiration from above, and who, in uttering their responses, sometimes exhibited a peculiar excitement, approaching almost to madness. These usually resided on some sacred spot; where they were visited by the individuals who wished to consult them. Homer has mentioned two oracles of peculiar celebrity. The former was that of Zeus, or Jupiter, at Dodona, where responses were delivered under the shade of a majestic oak.* The charge of this oracle belonged to certain Priests termed Selli, whose mode of life was peculiarly austere and repulsive, since they neglected to wash their feet, and accustomed themselves to sleep on the ground. (Il. xvi., 233-235; Od., xiv., 327-329.) The other oracle alluded to, was that of Apollo, at Pythos, or Delphi, which Agamemnon, the leader of the Grecian expedition against Troy, is said to have consulted before he entered upon that Reference is made to this, in the eighth book of the war. * See the passage quoted in No. II., "Youth's Instructer," for May, 1845, page 212. Odyssey, where the poet introduces the bard of Alcinous, singing of a contest between Ulysses and Achilles : "But the King of men, Agamemnon, Rejoiced in his mind, because the Chiefs of the Greeks contended. great Jupiter." Od., viii., 77-82. A second method by which the gods were thought to reveal their feelings and purposes to men, was by prophetic or admonitory dreams. For the interpretation of these, recourse was had to individuals who cultivated this art, and whose persons appear to have been regarded as sacred. Thus when Achilles had summoned the Greeks to an assembly, to deliberate on the measures which could be adopted to arrest the progress of the pestilence which was ravaging the Grecian camp, he said, "But come, let us consult some Prophet, or Priest, Or some interpreter of dreams, (for even a dream also is from Jupiter,) Who may declare, why Phœbus Apollo is so greatly incensed." Il., i., 62-64. In some instances, persons doubtless interpreted their own dreams, or applied to some private individual to assist them in their explanation. Thus Penelope mentioned a dream of hers to Ulysses, when she supposed him to be a stranger, and requested his opinion of its probable import. A third method of ascertaining the mind of the gods, was by observing the flight of birds. This species of divination is repeatedly mentioned in the Homeric writings. Though not restricted to any class of persons, since some of the rules by which presages were deduced from the flight of birds were so simple as to be applied by any persons of ordinary ability, it was yet more particularly cultivated by the augurs, (οἰωνοπόλοι,) who were thought to explain such omens with greater certainty and distinctness than others. All birds were not considered ominous; but chiefly eagles and other birds of prey. In deducing presages from their flight, a leading circumstance to be observed was that quarter of the heavens to which they flew. If they flew to the right hand of the observer, more especially if his face was towards the north, and his right hand, consequently, towards the east, the omen was considered to be favourable; but if to the left, it was regarded as an intimation of approaching evil. Thus Polydamas foreboded evil to Hector, because an eagle had appeared on the left hand. (Il., xii., 201.) But this was by no means the only particular to which respect was had; many other circumstances were considered to be significant, and were explained by the augurs, as disclosing the events that would transpire. In illustration of this subject, we may select a passage from the second book of the Odyssey, in which the poet embellishes his narrative, by introducing an ominous appearance as taking place, while the Ithacans were met in their public assembly : "Thus spake Telemachus; but for him the far-seeing Jupiter Sent forth two eagles to fly from on high, from the top of a mountain. They for some time, indeed, flew with the blast of the wind, Near to each other, extending their wings. But when they came to the middle of the much-frequented assembly, There, turning round, they shook their thick wings, And looked over the heads of all, and portended destruction. But having torn their cheeks, and their necks around, with their talons, They rushed on the right, through their houses and city. But they were astonished at the birds, when they saw them with their eyes, And revolved in their mind, what things were about to be accomplished. But among them spake the old hero Halitherses, |
