At this time there lectured in Nicomedia the greatest rhetorician of that period, Libanius, the true leader of Hellenism, who never studied and who refused to study Latin, for he regarded it with disdain. He despised Christianity and saw the meaning of everything in Hellenism. His enthusiasm for paganism knew no bounds. His lectures were exceedingly popular at Nicomedia. When Constantius decided to send Julian to Nicomedia, he foresaw perhaps what ineffaceable impression the enthusiastic lectures of Libanius might make upon the mind of the young student, and he ordered Julian not to attend the lectures of the famous rhetorician. Julian did not formally disobey this imperial command, but he studied the writings of Libanius, discussed the lectures of the inspiring teacher with people who heard them, and adopted the style and mode of the writings of Libanius to such an extent that he was later spoken of as a pupil of the latter. It was also at Nicomedia that Julian studied with enthusiasm the occult neo-Platonic teachings, which at that time aimed to penetrate the future through calling out, by means of certain conjuring formulas, not only ordinary dead people, but even the gods (theurgy). The learned philosopher Maximus of Ephesus greatly influenced Julian in this respect.

After surviving the dangerous period of the death of his brother Gallus, slain by the orders of Constantius, Julian was called to the court at Milan for acquittal, after which he was exiled to Athens. This city, famous for its great past, was no more than a quiet provincial town, where the famous pagan school stood as a reminder of the former glorious days. Julian's stay at Athens was full of deep interest. In later life in one of his letters he "recalled with great pleasure the Attic discourses . . . the gardens and suburbs of Athens and its myrtles, and the humble home of Socrates."51 Many historians claim that it was during this stay in Athens that Julian was initiated by an Eleusinian hierophant into the ancient mysteries of Eleusis. This, according to Boissier, was a sort of baptism of a newly converted soul.52 We might mention here that in recent years

51 Juliani Imp., Quae supersunt omnia, ed. Hertlein (Lipsiae, 1876), I, 328; 335. The Works of the Emperor Julian, with an English Translation by W. C. Wright (1913), II, 217.

52 Boissier, La fin du paganisme, I, 98.

many scholars have expressed doubt about the Eleusinian conversion of Julian.53

In 355 Constantius appointed Julian to the position of Caesar, married him to his sister, Helena, and sent him as head of the army to Gaul to aid in the long and arduous campaign against the advancing Germans, who were devastating the land, ravaging the cities, and slaying the population. Julian handled the difficult task of saving Gaul very successfully, and defeated the Germans near Argentoratum (later Strassburg). Julian's main seat in Gaul was in Lutetia (Lutetia Parisiorum, later Paris). At that time it was a small city on an island of the Seine, which still bears the name La Cité (Latin civitas), i.e., a city which was connected with both banks of the river by means of wooden bridges. On the left side of the Seine, already occupied by many houses and gardens, was the palace erected probably by Constantius Chlorus; the remains of it may still be seen near the Cluny Museum in Paris. Julian chose this palace as his residence. He was fond of Lutetia, and in one of his later works he recalled wintering in his "beloved Lutetia."'"*

Julian was successful in driving the Germans across the Rhine. "Three times, while I was still Caesar," he writes, "I crossed the Rhine; twenty thousand persons who were held as captives on the farther side of the Rhine I demanded and received back. . . . . I have now with the help of the gods recovered all the towns, and by that time I had already recovered almost forty."55 Among his soldiers Julian inspired great love and admiration.

Constantius regarded the success of Julian with suspicion and envy. While undertaking the Persian campaign he demanded that Julian send him a reinforcement of legions from Gaul. The Gallic soldiers revolted against this demand; and lifting Julian upon a shield, they proclaimed him Augustus. The new Augustus demanded that Constantius recognize the fait accompli, but the latter refused to do so. A civil war seemed to be unavoidable. But at this time Constantius died. In the year 361 Julian was recognized as Emperor throughout the Empire. The adherents and favorites of

53 For instance, Allard, I, 330. On the early years of Julian, see now N. H. Baynes, "The Early Life of Julian the Apostate," Journal of Hellenic Studies, XLV (1925), 251–54. 54 Juliani, Opera, II, 438; Wright, II, 429.

55 Juliani, Opera, I, 361; Wright, II, 273.

Constantius were condemned to harsh punishments and persecution instigated by the new Emperor.

Julian had for a long time been an enthusiastic adherent of paganism, but he was forced to hide his religious convictions until the death of Constantius. Upon becoming the full master of the Empire, he first of all set out to realize his sacred dream of restoring his favorite religion. During the first weeks following his ascent of the throne, Julian issued an edict in connection with his cherished plan. The historian Ammianus Marcellinus speaks of this significant period as follows:

Although from his earliest childhood Julian was inclined to the worship of the gods, and gradually, as he grew up, became more attached to it, yet he was influenced by many apprehensions which made him act in things relating to that subject as secretly as he could. But when his fears were terminated, and he found himself at liberty to do what he pleased, he then showed his secret inclinations, and by plain and positive decree ordered the temples to be opened, and victims to be brought to the altars for the worship of the gods." This edict was not an unexpected act, for everybody knew of Julian's leaning toward paganism. The joy of the pagans knew no bounds; to them the restoration of paganism meant, not only religious freedom, but religious victory as well.

At the time of Julian's accession there was not a single pagan temple in Constantinople itself, and, since its was impossible to erect new temples in a short period of time, it is very likely that Julian performed his solemn offering of sacrifices in the main basilica, originally intended for promenades and conferences and decorated since the time of Constantine the Great by the statue of Fortuna. According to the church historian, Sozomen, the following incident took place in this basilica. An aged blind man led by a child approached the Emperor and publicly called him an irreligious man, an atheist, and an apostate. Julian answered to this: "Thou art blind, and the Galilean, thy God, will not cure thee." The aged man answered, "I thank God for my blindness, since it prevents me from beholding thy impiety." Julian passed by this daring remark without any comment and continued the offering of sacrifices."7

56 Ammiani Marcellini, Res Gestae, XXII, 5, 1-2.

57 Sozomenis, Historia Ecclesiastica, V, 4; Socratis, Historia Ecclesiastica, III, II.

In proposing to revive paganism Julian was fully aware of the fact that it was impossible to restore it in its former purely material form; it was necessary to reform and improve paganism in many respects in order to create an organization capable of combating the Christian church. For this purpose the Emperor decided to borrow many elements from the Christian organization, with which he was well acquainted. He organized the pagan priesthood along the principles of the hierarchy of the Christian church; the interior of pagan temples was settled according to examples set by Christian temples; he prescribed that the pagans should conduct discourses and read about the mysteries of Hellenic wisdom (compare this with the Christian sermons); singing was introduced during pagan services; an irreproachable mode of living was demanded of priests; charity was strongly encouraged; the non-observance of religious orders was threatened with excommunication and penance, etc. In other words, in order to revive to some extent and adapt the restored paganism, Julian turned to a source which he despised very deeply.

The number of beasts of sacrifice offered on the altars of the gods was so great that it called forth doubt and a certain amount of jest even among the pagans. The Emperor himself took active part in the offering of sacrifices, and did not abhor even the lowest menial labor connected with these performances. According to Libanius, he ran around the altar, kindled the fire, handled the knife, slaughtered birds, and knew all about their entrails.58 In connection with the unusually large number of animals used for sacrifices the epigram once directed toward another emperor, the philosopher Marcus Aurelius, became current again: "The white cattle to Marcus Caesar, greeting! If you conquer there is an end of us.'

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This apparent triumph of paganism was bound to affect strongly the position of the Christians in the Empire. At first it seemed that no serious menace was threatening Christianity. Julian invited the dissenting leaders of various religious parties with their congregations to the palace, and announced that now, after all civil strifes have been ended, every man could without any impediment and fear 59 Libanii, Oratio, "Els 'lovλiavòv avтokpáтopa νяатоν," XII, 82 (Förster, II, 38). 50 Ammianus Marcellinus, XXV, 4, 17.

follow his chosen religion. Thus a proclamation of religious tolerance was one of the first acts of Julian's independent rule. Sometimes the Christians would begin their disputes in the presence of Julian, and then the Emperor would say, in the words of Marcus Aurelius, "Listen to me, to whom the Alemanni and Franks have listened." Soon after Julian's accession an edict was issued according to which all the bishops banished during the reign of Constantius, no matter what their religious convictions, were recalled from exile and their confiscated property was returned to them.

These religious leaders recalled from exile, belonging as they did to different religious parties, irreconcilable in their opinions, could not live peacefully side by side and soon became involved in very serious disputes, on which Julian apparently counted. While seemingly granting religious freedom to all, Julian was well acquainted with the psychology of the Christians and felt certain that discord would follow immediately; a disunited Christian church could not be a serious menace to paganism, and that is just what Julian desired. Meantime, Julian offered great privileges to those who would consent to renounce Christianity. There were many cases of such apostasy. St. Jerome called this policy of Julian "a gentle persecution, which attracted rather than forced people to join in the offering of sacrifices."61

Meanwhile, Christians were being gradually removed from civil and military posts and their places were taken by pagans. The famous labarum of Constantine, which served as the standard in the army, was abolished, and the shining crosses on the soldiers' shields were replaced by pagan emblems.

But the act which dealt Christianity the most painful blow was the school reform of Julian. The first edict concerned the appointment of professors in the leading cities of the Empire. The candidates were to be elected by the cities, but the choice was in each instance to be submitted for approval to the Emperor. Thus, the latter could refuse to sanction the election of any professor not desirable to him. Formerly the appointment of professors was within the jurisdiction of the city. Still more important was the second 60 Ammianus Marcellinus, XXII, 5, 3-4.

61 Hieronymi, Chronicon, ad olympiad. 285 (Migne, Patr. Lat., XXVII, 691-92).