Emperor to the old parts of the Roman Empire were not exclusively matters of his personal views. Similar claims seemed quite natural to the population of the provinces occupied by the barbarians. The natives of the provinces, having fallen into the hands of Arians, viewed Justinian as their sole protector. The conditions in Northern Africa under the Vandals were particularly difficult, because these barbarians initiated severe persecutions against the native orthodox population and put many citizens and representatives of the clergy in jail, confiscating much of their property. The refugees and exiles from Africa, including many orthodox bishops, arrived at Constantinople and implored the Emperor to begin a campaign against the Vandals, assuring him that a general revolt of the natives would follow.

A similar state of affairs prevailed in Italy, where the natives, in spite of a prolonged period of religious tolerance under Theoderic and his high regard for Roman civilization, continued to harbor hidden discontent and still turned their eyes to Constantinople, expecting from it aid in the cause of liberating Italy from the newcomers and restoring the orthodox faith.

Still more interesting is the fact that the barbarian kings themselves supported the Emperor's ambitious plans. They persisted in expressing signs of deep respect for the Empire, in demonstrating in many ways their subservience to the Emperor, in striving to attain by any means high Roman ranks, in imprinting the image of the Emperor on their coins, etc. The French scholar, Diehl,12 says that they would have willingly repeated the words of the Visigothic chief who said, "The emperor is undoubtedly God on earth and whoso raises a hand against him is guilty of his own blood."13

In spite of the fact that the state of affairs in Africa and Italy was favorable for Justinian, the campaigns waged against the Vandals and the Ostrogoths were extremely difficult and long drawn out.

Wars with the Vandals, Ostrogoths, and Visigoths. The results of these wars. Persia. The Slavs. The Significance of Justinian's External Policy.-The expedition against the Vandals presented no

12 Diehl, Justinien et la civilisation byzantine au VIe siècle (Paris, 1901), p. 137. 13 Jordanis, Getica, XXVIII (ed. Mommsen, p. 95).

easy problem. It involved the transfer by sea to Northern Africa of a vast army, which would have to contend with a people who possessed a powerful fleet and who even in the middle of the fifth century had succeeded in raiding Rome. Besides, the transfer of the main military forces to the West was bound to have serious consequences in the East, where Persia, the most dangerous enemy of the Empire, waged continual war against Constantinople. Procopius gives an interesting account of the council at which the question of the African expedition was discussed for the first time." The most loyal magistrates of the Emperor expressed doubt about the possible success of the undertaking and considered it precipitate. Justinian himself was beginning to waver; but in the end he overcame this temporary weakness and insisted upon his original project. The expedition was definitely decided upon. Meanwhile a change took place in the Persian ruling house, and in the year 532 Justinian succeeded in concluding an "endless" peace with the new ruler on the humiliating condition that the Byzantine Empire should pay a very large annual tribute to the king of Persia. This treaty made it possible for Justinian to act more freely in the East and South. At the head of the vast army and fleet he placed the gifted general, Belisarius, who was the most valuable assistant of the Emperor in his military undertakings and who shortly before this appointment had succeeded in quelling the dangerous internal Nika revolt, of which we shall speak later.

It must be said that at this time the Vandals and Ostrogoths were no longer the dangerous enemies they had been in former days. Unaccustomed to the enervating southern climate and influenced by Roman civilization, they rapidly lost their former energy and force. The Arian beliefs of these Germans, as we know, placed them in unfriendly relations with the native Roman population. The continual uprisings of the Berber tribes also contributed much to the weakening of the Vandals. Justinian had a keen insight into the existing conditions, and by means of a skilful diplomacy he increased the internal discord among the Vandals, meanwhile feeling quite certain that the Germanic kingdoms would never unite for

14 Procopii, De bello vandalico, I, 10 (ed. Haury, I, 355-60); with an English translation by H. B. Dewing (1916), II, 90-101.

the purpose of opposing him jointly, because the Ostrogoths were on bad terms with the Vandals, while the orthodox Franks were constantly struggling with the Ostrogoths, and the distant Visigoths in Spain could hardly take a serious part in the war with Justinian. All this encouraged Justinian's hopes of defeating each enemy separately.

The Vandal war lasted, with some intervals, from 533 to 548. At first, by a number of brilliant victories, Belisarius in a very short space of time subjected the entire Vandal kingdom, so that Justinian could proclaim triumphantly that "God, in his mercy, gave over to us not only Africa and all her provinces, but also returned our imperial insignia which had been taken away by the Vandals when they took Rome."15 Considering the war ended, the Emperor recalled Belisarius to Constantinople with the greater part of the army. Then the Moors (a native Berber tribe) rose in terrible rebellion, with which the remaining troops found it very difficult to struggle. The exhausting war, interrupted by short intervals of apparent tranquillity, lasted until the year 548, when the authority of imperial power was, so to say, definitely restored.

The conquered part of Northern Africa was not all that Justinian hoped to conquer, for its western portion, reaching the Atlantic Ocean, was not reannexed, with the exception of the powerful fortress of Septum, near the Pillars of Hercules (now the Spanish fortress Ceuta). Yet the greater part of Northern Africa, Corsica, Sardinia, and the Balearic Islands became parts of the Empire, and Justinian spent much energy in his effort to restore order in these conquered lands. Even today the majestic ruins of numerous Byzantine fortresses and fortifications constructed by Justinian in Northern Africa bespeak the strenuous activity undertaken by the Emperor for the defense of his land.

Still more exhausting was the Ostrogothic campaign, which lasted, with intervals also, from 535 to 554. It is obvious that this war during the first thirteen years was carried on at the same time as the Vandal war. Following an intervention in the internal strife of the Ostrogoths, Justinian opened military action. One army began the conquest of Dalmatia, which at this time formed a part

15 Codex Justinianus, I, 27, 1, 7.

of the Ostrogothic kingdom. Another army, transported by sea and headed by Belisarius, occupied Sicily without much difficulty, and later, when transferred to Italy, conquered Naples and Rome. Soon after this the Ostrogothic capital, Ravenna, opened its gates to Belisarius. The Ostrogothic king was transferred to Constantinople, and Justinian added "Gothicus" to his title "Africanus and Vandalicus." It seemed that Italy was definitely conquered by the Byzantine Empire.

At this time there appeared among the Goths an energetic and gifted king, Totila, the last defender of Ostrogothic independence. He restored the affairs of the Goths very quickly. In rapid succession the territories conquered by the Byzantine army in Italy and on the islands were reclaimed by the Ostrogoths. The unfortunate city of Rome, which passed many times back and forth through the hands of the Romans and Ostrogoths, was transformed into a heap of ruins. After meeting so many failures, Belisarius was recalled from Italy. Affairs were made good by another gifted Byzantine general, Narses, who conquered the Goths by a number of actions displaying great strategic skill. Totila fell in one of the battles. After twenty years of devastating warfare, Italy, Dalmatia, and Sicily were reunited with the Empire, in the year 554. The Pragmatic Sanction, published by Justinian in the same year, returned to the large landed aristocracy of Italy and to the church the land taken away from them by the Ostrogoths, and all their former privileges; it also outlined a number of measures intended to lessen the burden of the ruined population. After the Ostrogothic wars the development of industry and commerce ceased for a long time in Italy, while, as a result of the lack of laborers, many Italian fields remained uncultivated. Rome became a second-rate ruined city of no political importance, and the Pope chose it as his refuge. This decline and backwardness were characteristic of Rome until the period of the Renaissance.

Justinian's last military undertaking was projected in the last year of the Ostrogothic war (554) and was directed against the Visigoths in the Pyrenean peninsula. Realizing how dangerous the situation was, the Visigoths forgot their own discords and presented a strong united resistance to the Byzantine army, maintain

ing thus their independence. Justinian succeeded in taking from them only the southeastern corner of the Peninsula, with the cities of Carthage, Malaga, and Corduba.

As a result of all these offensive wars of Justinian the extent of his empire was doubled. Dalmatia, Italy, the eastern part of North Africa (part of present-day Algeria and Tunis), the southeast of Spain, Sicily, Sardinia, Corsica, and the Balearic Islands became parts of Justinian's empire. Its boundaries extended from the Pillars of Hercules to the Euphrates. But in spite of this enormous success, the actual achievements of Justinian fell far short of fulfilling his original projects, for in the end he did not succeed in reconquering the entire Western Roman Empire. There were still the western part of North Africa, the Pyrenean peninsula, the northern portion of the Ostrogothic kingdom, north of the Alps (the former provinces of Rhaetia and Noricum), which were not conquered by Justinian's army. The entire province of Gaul not only remained completely independent of the Byzantine Empire, but was even victorious to a certain extent, for when Justinian was menaced by the Frankish state he consented to cede Provence to the King of the Franks. It must also be remembered that throughout the vast newly conquered territory the power of the Emperor was not equally firm everywhere. The government had neither the authority nor the means to establish itself more solidly. And yet these territories could be retained by force only. That is why the brilliant outward success of Justinian's offensive wars brought with it the roots of serious future complications of a political as well as economic nature.

The defensive wars of Justinian were by far less successful, and were at times even humiliating in their results. These wars were carried on with Persia in the East and with the Slavs and the Huns in the North.

In the sixth century there were two great powers, namely, the Byzantine Empire and Persia, and they had for centuries been engaged in bloody wars on the eastern border. After the "endless" peace with Persia, mentioned previously, the Persian king, Chosroes Nushirvan, a gifted and skilful ruler, realizing the high ambitions of Justinian in the West, was ready for action. Fully aware of his own