partisans of John Cantacuzene, prevailed over the social element.2 296 This problem deserves further study, but, as far as we can judge, we must say that the social background occupied the first place in the revolution of Thessalonica; however, the social problem was intermingled with the political interests of that time, that is to say, with the civil war between John V and John Cantacuzene. As an example of class struggle the revolution at Thessalonica is one of the most interesting phenomena in the general history of mediaeval social problems. Owing to the external and internal conditions of the Empire, Byzantium lost control of her trade. Yet, before the Turks definitely cut off all connection, Constantinople, as before, remained a centre where merchandise came from various quarters and where one might meet merchants of different nationalities. Francesco Balducci Pegolotti, a Florentine merchant and writer of the first half of the fourteenth century, a factor in the service of the mercantile house of the Bardi, gives us a precious mine of information about the merchandise for sale at Constantinople itself and at Galata or Pera, and about Western merchants there.297 Pegolotti mentions Genoese, Venetians, Pisans, Florentines, Provençals, Catalans, Anconans, Sicilians, and "all other strangers" (e tutti altri strani).298 A Burgundian pilgrim of the first half of the fifteenth century, Bertrandon de la Broquière, writes that he saw in Constantinople many merchants of various nations, but the Venetians "had more authority"; in another place he mentions Venetians, Genoese, and Catalans.299 Of 296 P. Yakovenko, in his Review of Tafrali's book, Vizant. Vremennik, xxi, 3-4 (1914), critics, p. 184. 207 On Pegolotti see Heyd, op. cit., I, pp. xvii-xviii. C. R. Beazley, The dawn of modern geography (Oxford, 1906), III, 324-32. An article in the Encyclopaedia Brittanica is based on Beazley. H. J. Yule, Cathay and the ways thither (London, 1866), II, 278308 (Hakluyt Society, vol. 37). E. Friedmann, Der mittelalterliche Welthandel von Florenz in seiner geographischen Ausdehnung (nach der Pratica della mercatura des Balducci Pegolotti). Abh. der K. K. Geographischen Gesellschaft in Wien, x (1912), 3-5. 298 La pratica della mercatura scritta da Francesco Balducci Pegolotti, Della decima e delle altre gravezze (Lisbon and Lucca, 1766), vol. III, 24. Of course, the best general guide on Byzantine commerce under the Palaeologi is W. Heyd, op. cit. I, 427-527; and vol. II. 200 Le voyage d'outremer de Bertrandon de la Broquière, publ. by Ch. Schefer (Paris, 1892), pp. 150 and 164. course, in addition there were in Constantinople many other merchants both from the West, for example from Ragusa on the Adriatic Sea, and from the East. The commercial intercourse in Constantinople was truly international. But trade itself was no longer carried on by Byzantines; it passed entirely into the hands of the Western merchants, that is, the Venetians, Genoese, and to some extent the Pisans, Florentines, and the others. We know that from the reign of Michael VIII on, Genoa occupied the first place in the economic life of Byzantium. The Genoese were exempt from taxes, were allowed to build up and fortify Galata, and organized their factories and colonies not only in the islands of the Aegean Sea and in Asia Minor, but also on the shores of the Black Sea, at Trebizond, in Caffa (Theodosia) in the Crimea, and at Tana, at the mouth of the Don River. Caffa especially was a flourishing and well organized city with powerful fortifications and a detailed statute (1449) of administration.300 Venice was also free from trade taxes, and the permanent political and economic rivalry between the two powerful republics, Genoa and Venice, resulted sometimes, as we know, in violent wars, of which we have spoken above and in which the position of Byzantium was extremely delicate. At the end of the thirteenth century, when in 1291 St. Jean d'Acre, the last stronghold of the crusaders in Syria, fell to the Sultan of Egypt, Venice was deprived of her trade in the south-east of the Mediterranean basin; thereafter she devoted all her energy to a violent struggle with Genoa in the north for regaining her economic position in Byzantium, in the Aegean and Black Seas. We have recently acquired some new evidence on commercial relations between Florence and Constantinople. These rela 300 See the text of this exceptionally interesting statute of 1449, published by Murzakiewich in the Transactions (Zapiski) of the Historical and Archaeological Society of Odessa, V (1865), 631-837 (the text with a Russian translation); then publ. by P. Vigna, in the Atti della Società Ligure di Storia Patria, VII (2), pp. 567-680. On the Genoese inscriptions at Caffa see the accurate book of Elena Skrzinska, Inscriptions latines des colonies génoises en Crimée, in the Atti della Soc. Lig. di St. Patria, LVI (1928), 1–180. tions were very active and were carried on chiefly in the corn trade.30 301 But all the profit from the commercial activity of the many Western merchants in Byzantium went to them, not to Byzantium; the economic dependence of the Palaeologi upon the wealthy and striving Western republics and cities was complete. Economically the Palaeologi had no control over the Empire. Italian influence may also be noticed on Byzantine coins. In the fourteenth century, under Andronicus II, Andronicus III, and John V, there was an attempt at monetary reform in connection with which the Florentine type of coin was introduced. The Venetian type may also be noted. The last golden coin of the Byzantine Empire was minted under Manuel II, perhaps for his coronation, on which the Holy Virgin surrounded by the walls of Constantinople was reproduced. No coins of the last Byzantine Emperor, Constantine XI, are known.302 The theory exists that under Manuel II and John VIII a reform took place which placed Byzantium under the regime of silver monometallism.303 But this theory is not proved. The economic might of the West in Byzantium was ended by the victorious advance of the Ottoman Turks; gradually they took possession of Constantinople and the rest of the Empire, of Trebizond, and the northern shores of the Black Sea. Taking into account the general deplorable position of the Empire, both external and internal, we find it strange to read an anonymous treaty concerning court offices attributed to the four 201 Some documents of the thirteenth and fourteenth century, which were inaccessible to W. Heyd, are given by R. Davidsohn, Forschungen zur Geschichte von Florenz (Berlin, 1901), III, 69-70 (no. 315), 135 (no. 686), 193 (no. 974). See E. Friedmann, op. cit., p. 26. Of course, some documents of the fifteenth century are to be found in G. Müller, Documenti sulle relazioni delle città toscane coll' Oriente Cristiano e coi Turchi (Florence, 1879), pp. 149-50; 162-63; 169-77; 283-84. 302 See W. Wroth, Catalogue of the Imp. Byz. Coins in the Brit. Museum, Vol. I (London, 1908), pp. LXVIII-LXXIII; vol. II (London, 1908), 635-43. A. Blanchet, "Les dernières monnaies d'or des empereurs de Byzance", Revue Numismatique, 1910, pp. 14-15 (pagination of a reprint). See some interesting pages on the Byzantine coinage under the Palaeologi in E. Stein, "Untersuchunchen zur spätbyzantinischen Verfassungsund Wirtschaftsgeschichte", Mitteilungen zur Osmanischen Geschichte, II (1924), 11-14 (reprint). 203 A. Blanchet, op. cit., pp. 14-15. teenth century and often, though wrongly, ascribed to a certain Kodinus (Codinus). In this treaty are described in detail the gorgeous raiment of the court dignitaries, their various coverings for the head, their shoes, and their decorations; detailed descriptions are given of the court ceremonial, coronations, promotions to one or another rank, and so on. This treaty serves as a supplement to the well known work of the tenth century, "On the ceremonies of the Byzantine court". In the tenth century, at the time of the greatest brilliance and power of the Empire, such a work was comprehensible and necessary. But the appearance of an analogous treaty in the fourteenth century, on the eve of the final collapse of the Empire, is puzzling and reveals the blindness that apparently reigned at the court of the Byzantine Emperors of the last dynasty. Krumbacher, also puzzled by the appearance of this treaty in the fourteenth century, remarks, not without irony: "The answer is, perhaps, given by a medieval Greek proverb: 'the world was perishing and my wife was still buying new clothes” (ὁ κόσμος ἐποντίζετο καὶ ἡ ἐμὴ γυνὴ ἐστολίζετο).”, 804 Learning, literature, science, and art in the epoch of the Palaeologi. In political and economic respects the Empire under the Palaeologi was living through critical times, receding step by step before the Ottoman Turks, gradually reduced in territory until it was confined to Constantinople with its surroundings, and Morea. It would seem that there would be neither place nor time nor suitable conditions for cultural development. In reality, however, the perishing Empire of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, especially the city of Constantinople, was a centre of ardent culture, both intellectual and artistic. The schools of Constantinople flourished as they had in her most brilliant past, and students came not only from the far-off Greek regions, like Sparta or Trebizond, but even from Italy, at that time in the height of the Renaissance. Philosophers, headed by Gemistus Plethon, explained Aristotle and Plato. Rhetoricians and philologists, who had studied the best specimens of classical antiquity and endeavored to equal them in their style, attracted enthusi 304 Krumbacher, p. 425. astic groups of auditors and disciples and in their activity and interests presented a striking analogy to the Italian humanists. A. great number of historians described the last days of the Empire. An active ecclesiastical life marked by the Hesychast movement and the problem of the union with the Roman Church left its trace in literature, dogmatic, ascetic, mystic, and polemic. A revival may also be noted in poetry. Finally, this literary renaissance was followed by an artistic renaissance which has left us monuments of great value. Besides Constantinople, Mistra-Sparta was also remarkable for a vivid intellectual movement. The fourteenth century was the golden age of Thessalonica (Salonica) in art and letters.R 305 In a word, at the time of its political and economic decay, Hellenism seemed to gather all its strength to show the viability of classical culture and to give grounds for hope for the future Hellenic renaissance of the nineteenth century. To quote a historian, "on the eve of her definite ruin, all Hellas was reassembling her intellectual energy to throw a last splendid glow."306 Many members of the imperial families, Palaeologi and Cantacuzenes, were distinguished for their learning. Michael VIII was the author of some essays in favor of union and some canons dedicated to important martyrs; he has also left his interesting autobiography,307 of which the manuscript was found at the Synodal Library of Moscow, and he founded a grammar school at Constantinople. Andronicus the Elder admired letters and art and was a patron of scholars and artists. Some scholars assume that his protection developed the artistic atmosphere which produced such remarkable monuments of art as the mosaics of the monastery Chora (present-day mosque Qahriye-jami) at Constantinople.308 Manuel II was particularly renowned for his edu 205 See W. Miller, Essays on the Latin Orient (Cambridge, 1921), pp. 278-79. O. Tafrali, Thessalonique au quatorzième siècle (Paris, 1913), pp. 149-169. 808 Lavisse et Rambaud, Histoire générale du IV-e siècle à nos jours (Paris, 1894), III, 819. Ch. Diehl, Manuel d'art byzantin (Paris, 1926), II, 750. 307 Parts of this autobiography are translated into French by C. Chapman, Michel Paléologue restaurateur de l'empire byzantin (Paris, 1926), pp. 167–77. 208 See D. Ainalov, Byzantine painting of the fourteenth century, in the Zapiski klassicheskago otdeleniya Russkago Archeologicheskago Obschestwa, IX (1917), 132-33 (in Russian). |