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estimated that "of a total of one million inhabitants of Greece, about 173,000 were Albanians", and a writer of our days remarks: "No changes have occurred in the meantime to alter their position."94

Thus, the time of Andronicus III was marked by the beginning of Albanian colonization to the south, in Greece, as far as the Peloponnesus, and of an important ethnographical alteration among the population of the Greek peninsula.

The relation of Byzantium to the two western rival commercial republics, Venice and Genoa, has been already stated. Michael VIII's government gave undoubted preference to Genoa and then in connection with political conditions, restored friendly relations with Venice, making skilful use of the antagonism between the two Republics. Andronicus II continued his father's policy of privileges for Genoa, so that causes for conflict between Genoa and Venice continued to exist.

Towards the end of the thirteenth century all Christian possessions in Syria were lost. In 1291 the Muhammedans took away from the Christians their last important coast city, Acre (Acca, ancient Ptolemais); all the rest of the coast cities surrendered to the Muhammedans almost without struggle. All Syria and Palestine passed into the hands of the Muhammedans.

This event was a terrible blow to Venice, for by it, she lost the whole south-east of the Mediterranean, where her trade, for a long time, had been predominant. On the other hand, the Genoese, with a solid footing on the Bosphorus, extended their influence in the Black Sea, where apparently they hoped for a trade monopoly. This was of particular importance in the Crimea, where both Venetians and Genoese colonies had already been established. Realizing the threatening danger to her commercial power Venice declared war on Genoa. Many of the hostilities took place on the territory or in the waters of the Byzantine Empire. The Venetian fleet breaking through the Hellespont and the Mar

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J. Hahn, Albanesishe Studien (Jena, 1854). I, 32 (this figure is approximate); cf. II, 1 (almost half of the population of Greece); see also the Preface, p. vi. See C. Checrezi, Albania: Past and present (New York, 1919), p. 25. note 1; 205. Finlay (History of Greece, IV, 32) counts about 200,000 Albanians in Greece.

mora Sea pillaged and burnt the shores of the Bosphorus and the suburb of Galata, where the Genoese dwelt. The Genoese colony found safety behind the walls of Constantinople, whose Emperor actively supported the Genoese. The Venetians who lived in the capital were murdered. The Genoese obtained from Andronicus II an authorization to surround Galata with a wall and moat. Soon after, their quarters were embellished with many public and private buildings. At the head of the colony stood a podesta appointed from Genoa, who governed on the basis of certain regulations and had charge of the interests of all the Genoese who lived on the territory of the Empire. Thus, to quote T. Florinsky, "along with the orthodox Tsargrad there arose a small, but well fortified, Latin city with a Genoese podesta, republican organization, and Latin churches and monasteries. Genoa, besides its commercial significance, acquired great political importance in the Empire".95 Towards the time of the ascension of Andronicus III Galata became a sort of state within the state, and by the end of his reign this situation was very strongly felt. No real peace between Genoa and Venice was possible.

Besides these two most powerful commercial republics there was considerable trade activity at Constantinople, at the end of the thirteenth and in the fourteenth century, on the part of some other Western cities which had their colonies there, for example, of Italy, Pisa, Florence, and Ancona, of the Adriatic Sea the Slavonic Ragusa (Dubrovnik), and several South-French cities, like Marseilles.

If we review the results of the reigns of the two Andronicoi, grandfather and grandson, we come to sad conclusions. In the east the Ottoman Turks had become the masters of the situation in Asia Minor; in the Balkan peninsula Stephen Dushan had already obtained some real successes, which indicated his still broader plans for the future. The Catalan "companies" had terribly devastated many regions of the Empire in their march to the west. Finally, Genoese Galata, economically strong and politically almost independent, had established and fortified itself side by side with Constantinople.

T. Florinsky, The Southern Slavs and Byzantium, I, 32-33 (in Russian).

96

John V (1341-1391) and John VI Cantacuzene (13411354). The apogee of Serbian power under Stephen Dushan and his significance in the history of Byzantium.-Under Andronicus III, John V's predecessor, Stephen Dushan had already taken possession of northern Macedonia and the major part of Albania. With the ascension to the throne of the boy John V, when a devastating civil war began to tear the Empire, Dushan's aggressive plans widened and took definite form against Constantinople itself. A Byzantine historian of the fourteenth century (Nicephorus Gregoras) puts into the mouth of John Cantacuzene these words: "The great Serb (Stephen Dushan) " like an overflowing river which has passed far beyond its banks, has already submerged one part of the Empire of Romania with its waves, and is threatening to submerge another". Stephen Dushan came to an agreement, now with Cantacuzene, now with John V, as it seemed advantageous to him. Taking advantage of the desperate situation of the Empire, whose forces were occupied by internal troubles, Stephen, without difficulty, conquered all of Macedonia, except Thessalonica, and, after a siege, took Seres, an important fortified place in eastern Macedonia, lying on the way from Thessalonica to Constantinople. The surrender of Seres was of great importance: Dushan gained a fortified and purely Greek city, only slightly inferior to Thessalonica, which might serve as a key to Constantinople. From this time on, we can clearly see broader plans against the Empire developing in the mind of the Serbian leader.

97

Contemporary Byzantine sources connect with the capture of Seres Dushan's assumption of the title of Tsar and the open display of his claims to the Eastern Empire. John Cantacuzene, for example, wrote, "The Kral (King) approached Seres and took possession of it. . . . After that, becoming excessively conceited and seeing himself master of the major part of the Empire, he proclaimed himself Tsar of the Romans and Serbs,98 and upon his

...

Nicephorus Gregoras calls him "the Great Triball". By this name, really that of

an ancient Thracian tribe, Gregoras means the Serbs.

Niceph. Gregoras, XVI, 4 (II, 817).

98 Like Nicephorus Gregoras, Cantacuzene, in his memoirs, calls the Serbs by the name of the old Thracian tribe of the Triballs.

son he conferred the title of Kral."99 In his letter to the Doge of Venice from Seres, Dushan, among other titles, glorifies himself as "the master of almost all the Empire of Romania" (et fere totius imperii Romaniae dominus).100 His Greek decrees Dushan signed in red ink "Stephen in Christ God the faithful Kral and autocrat of Serbia and Romania" 101

Dushan's broad plans concerning Constantinople differed from the above mentioned plans of the Bulgarian kings of the ninth and thirteenth centuries, Simeon and the Asens. The chief aim of Simeon had been the liberation of the Slavonic lands from the power of Byzantium and the formation of one great Slavonic Empire; "his very attempt", writes T. Florinsky, "to take possession of Constantinople was due to the same tendency to destroy the power of the Greeks and replace it by that of the Slavs. . ." "He wished to possess Tsargrad and to exert power over the Greeks, not as Emperor of the Romans, but as Tsar of Bulgaria."103 Similar aims were pursued by the Asens, who aspired to the liberation and complete independence of the Bulgarian people and wished to found a Bulgarian Empire which should include Constantinople.

102

In assuming the title of Emperor (basileus) and autocrat Stephen Dushan was guided by different aims. The question was not only the liberation of the Serbian people from the influence of the Eastern Emperor. There is no doubt that Dushan set himself the goal of creating a new Empire instead of Byzantium, not Serbian, but Serbian-Greek, and that "the Serbian people, the Serbian kingdom, and all the Slavonic lands annexed to it were to become only a part of the Empire of the Romans, whose head he proclaimed himself".104 Proposing himself as an aspirant to the throne of Constantine the Great, Justinian, and other Byzantine

Joannis Cantacuzeni, Historiae, III, 89 (ed. Bonn., II, 551-52).

100 Florinsky, op. cit., II, 108, 111. Jireček, Geschichte der Serben, I, 386.

101 See Sathas. Bibliotheca graeca medii aevi, I, 239. Florinsky, The Athonian acts and photographs of them in the collections of Sevastyanov (St. Petersburg, 1880). p. 96 (in Russian).

102 Florinsky, The Southern Slavs and Byzantium, II, 109 (in Russian).

310 Idem, II, 110.

104 Ibidem.

Emperors, Dushan wished, first of all, to become Emperor of the Romans, and then of the Serbs, that is, to establish in his person a Serbian dynasty on the Byzantine throne.

It was important for Dushan to draw to his side the Greek clergy of the conquered regions; he realized that, in the eyes of the people, his proclamation as Tsar of the Serbs and Greeks would be legal only if sanctioned by the higher authority of the Church. The archbishop of Serbia, dependent upon the Patriarch of Constantinople, was not sufficient; even though the complete independence of the Serbian Church had been proclaimed, the archbishop or patriarch of Serbia could crown the Kral (King) only as Tsar of Serbia. In order to sanctify the title of the "Tsar of the Serbs and Romans", which might help him to the Byzantine throne, something more was needed. The Patriarch of Constantinople, naturally, would not consent to such a coronation. Dushan began to plan to sanctify his new title by the approbation of the highest Greek clergy of the conquered regions as well as by the monks of the Greek monasteries of the famous Mount Athos.

For this purpose he confirmed and widened the privileges and increased the endowments of the Greek monasteries in conquered Macedonia, where many estates (μeróxia) which belonged to Athos also came under his power. The peninsula of Chalcidice itself with the Athonian monasteries came into Dushan's hands, and the monks could not fail to understand that the protection of the monasteries had passed from the Byzantine Emperor to a new master, upon whom their further welfare would depend. The charters (chrysobulls) written in Greek granted by Dushan to the Greek monasteries of Athos testify not only to his confirmation of their former privileges, exemptions, and possessions, but to the granting of new ones. Besides the charters given to separate monasteries there is a general charter granted to all the Athonian monasteries; in this charter we read, "Our Majesty, having received (into our power) all the monasteries situated on the Holy Mountain of Athos, which from all their hearts have had recourse to us and have become subject to us, has granted and

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